You're correct to point out that we restrict the rights of offenders. Such as what jobs they can apply for and the public spaces they can legally access.
This would of course continue to be the case, even if they have a GRC. So what's the issue?
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Ta :)
MBM have a history of being against the bill, so I'm trying to put that to one side. :greengrin
It does, though, give a reasonable view of how things might work in practice. On the face of it, it seems sensible enough, although my non-lawyer brain has a bit of fog around some of it.
Like all new legislation, until we have some experience of how things work in practice, we can't know of any unintended consequences. That's what the review period is for. That said, if some of the more extreme predictions come to pass, I'd hope they'd be brought back to Parliament PDQ.
The reply was in response to Ozyhibby who appeared (although I can't really believe this) to be concerned that sex offenders and those accused of sex offences would have their right to apply for a GRC constrained. This amendment to the Bill was voted down and instead an amendment was passed which introduced the notification and risk assessment requirement.
Some (rather polemical) lived experience https://4w.pub/you-meet-more-perverts-when-poor/
I know you are joking, but I find it really instructive to read stuff by people I don't agree with supporting issues i don't agree with. It helps hone the arguments (and sometimes changes my mind). I'm less certain that there would be a quick referral to the Parliament if there were emerging issues. That's partly because of practical issues with legislation and also because this has become such an article of faith that I think it would be difficult to acknowledge flaws.
But even if they have a GRC, they are still a convicted sex offender and the same laws and restrictions will still apply to them. There seems to be people who think that a GRC will allow offenders to circumvent restrictions that are placed on them following their convictions. This simply isn't the case.
But this is a new law, so the same laws don't apply as this law doesn't exist today. I am sure if someone convicted of a crime that very likely involved lying and manipulation sees even the smallest advantage to be gained they will take it. I don't think it's unreasonable to ask for greater safeguarding to be in place. I guess we will just need to agree to disagree on this point.
This may be a new law, but it has zero effect over already existing laws pertaining to the restrictions that are already placed on convicted sex offenders. There has been over 5 years of parliamentary scrutiny to ensure that this is the case, which is why the bill received cross party support right across the board.
The 39 MSPs who opposed the bill are not interested in reforming the bill further, they just wanted to delay the bill indefinitely.
That's a telling phrase. The reason women's rights groups expressed such furious opposition to this bill is because making it easier for males to 'become women' poses a far more significant threat to women's rights than a female 'becoming a man' does to men's rights (such as they are). The UK government is correct to have taken the action they have to defend women's hard-won freedom of association from those who deemed this peculiar, unpopular bill a good idea. To erase the very idea of womanhood is to erase women's liberties. Just because a man says he is a woman doesn't make him one, no matter how loudly those who seek to dismiss biological reality claim it does. To denounce those who stand up for that biological truth and women's rights as somehow transphobic is desperate stuff.
As for the supposedly harmonious cross-party backing for the bill, I think I'm right in saying the Tories were the only party to allow a free vote. It would have been interesting to see whether it would have enjoyed such backing if the whip had been withdrawn, with the unprecedented SNP rebellion hinting at a deeper concern over a bill which IMHO transcends political allegiance.
Well not just elements of the SNP. The amendments in the Parliament to reflect the special status of marriage were led by now FM. It's interesting to look back on section 28. There was a very widespread keep the clause campaign. The main SNP funder led a campaign to oppose the bill, including a privately funded referendum. There was chatter at the time that the SNP used the Catholic church's opposition to the bill to drive a wedge into Labour voting heartlands. Arguably this was a smart long term strategy from Salmond. I think it's too strong to say this was a turning point, but I do think it was significant on the growth of the SNP. It might have been cynical, but it was effective in the long run.
The UK government took the cowardly action of blocking a devolved bill from reaching royal assent without legal scrutiny, as they were afraid that they were going to lose in a court of law. Hence the use of Section 35 rather than Section 33.
In doing so, they've effectively opened Pandora's box. What's to prevent them from enacting section 35 whenever a devolved government implements something into law that they simply don't like the look of, even if it has no effect on England?
There's your "union of equals" right there.
I'd say, and a lot of others have too, is the more obvious conclusion to be drawn is the Tories were looking to pick a fight for political/electoral reasons.
I don't think their recent legislative history in general supports an argument they were opposed to it because it's 'ill-advised'.
Lord falconer and Dominic Grieves debate on drive time on radio Scotland.
Seems clear that there is no change to whether those people who run refuges can prevent people accessing such places.
Totally. If you were looking to see which party was using this as a culture war battle (ie a distraction) you only have to look at their track records. Which politicians are more prone to
"Anti-Woke" bogeyman stuff? (..and bogeywoman stuff, just to stay on point...)
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